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Please be advised that we have updated our Privacy Policy. Read Our Cookies Policy. These talks present a welcome opportunity to refocus regional efforts on the African Union AU -led mediation, which have recently been in unhelpful competition with a parallel Russian-Sudanese initiative.

Some form of agreement appears likely to emerge from the Khartoum meeting, though will require compromise from both sides. The challenge for will be to ensure that such an agreement makes a concrete difference on the ground. It will be important for international actors to present a united front and pressure neighbouring countries, particularly Sudan and Chad, to use their influence over armed groups — notably the largest ex-Seleka factions — to ensure they fulfil any pledges made in Khartoum.


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Since June , the AU, backed by African countries and the UN as well as the EU and its member states, has tried to mediate between the government and fourteen armed groups including ex-Seleka factions, anti-balaka groups and community self-defence militias, which in many cases have competing sets of interests and goals. Moscow provided the national army with training and equipment following that already delivered by the EU Training Mission active in CAR since Russia also started to provide the president with security advice and personal protection.

In mid, it encouraged Sudan, with which Moscow has increasingly close relations, to initiate its own talks in Khartoum with armed groups and government representatives. Recent AU and UN diplomacy has helped unite these parallel tracks. Giving Sudan the opportunity to host is a neat solution to bridge the gap between the two initiatives and mend international divisions.

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Talks may still be tricky, however. The government has agreed to integrate some armed group members into the armed forces, while adhering to the age and education requirements already in place. Probably the best that can reasonably be expected from Khartoum is a broad agreement on the ranks at which a limited number of armed group members could enter the army and for some rebels who disarm to be granted mid-level public offices, in exchange for a ceasefire and an agreement from armed groups that they will demobilise.

The main risk is less that the Khartoum talks fail to reach an accord along these lines than that its provisions are not enforced.

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Many previous deals between government and armed groups have not brought concrete changes on the ground. Throughout , some smaller armed groups expressed a willingness to disarm, but stalled doing so in anticipation of better terms emerging from an agreement in Khartoum.

Some ex-Seleka factions in particular have close links to neighbouring governments, notably those of Chad and Sudan; indeed many combatants and armed herders that seek pastoral land hail from those countries. But they balance that against the interests of their pastoralist and trading communities or allied armed groups in border areas. African and EU governments, as well as Russia, should offer support to such talks.

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Also important is that local mediation efforts complement those at national level. The armed groups in CAR vary significantly in strength, geographical reach, motivations and relations with their communities. Of the fourteen represented in Khartoum only three, all ex-Seleka groups, have significant national and cross-border reach.

The anti-balaka groups in particular are fragmented and some have ties to the government with which they are in principle negotiating. Moreover, a patchwork of other groups were not represented in Khartoum, but still need to be demobilised. Local mediation efforts initiated by religious organisations, civil society leaders and CAR politicians already have had some success, allowing temporary truces between armed groups fighting each other and calming intercommunal tensions. Unlike the broader negotiations of which Khartoum is the latest iteration, these initiatives address local disputes among armed groups rather than their grievances toward the government or national-level demands.

Resulting local agreements are precarious, however, and can scale up from small local gains to become part of a more durable and country-wide solution with sustained support, including from international actors and alongside a national-level agreement that enjoys regional backing.

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UN backing for such initiatives could be supplemented by the AU panel in-country, building on contacts it already has with armed groups. This site uses cookies.